[Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf] has said she wants the dour Joseph Boakai, 69, to be the candidate of the governing Unity Party in 2017. Many think he lacks charisma but Johnson-Sirleaf has said she will do her best to make sure he wins.
George Weah, the former football star who nearly defeated Johnson-Sirleaf in 2006, has announced that he will stand for the Congress for Democratic Change. [...] Although still popular on the streets of Monrovia, Weah is not adept at making political deals and that has let him down in the past. Money could also be a problem.
No such issues afflict Benoni Urey, who until December was subject to a United Nations’ travel ban and assets freeze because of his past relationship with former President and now convicted war criminal Charles Taylor. Urey has promised to run as an independent. He is a millionaire with a large media empire in Monrovia, including newspapers, and television and radio stations, and is generous with his funds. Everyone knows his name and his past connection with Taylor probably won’t hurt him because the gaoled warlord has wide residual popularity across the country.
Urey is said to possess Taylor’s charisma without his sanguinary ruthlessness and has already attracted huge crowds in the capital and other towns.
Tom Woewiyu, a former NPFL leader and spokesman, was arrested at Newark Airport while returning to America from Liberia. He was arrested for lying on his immigration form about whether he had ever attempted to overthrow a government. He was apparently returning from campaigning to win a senate seat in Liberia. Woewiyu faces up to 110 years in prison.
Africa Confidential has a gated article on Liberian mercenaries who fought in Cote d’Ivoire:
Although groups of Liberian mercenaries and Ivorian militia loyal to Gbagbo remain active in the lush forests of the Great West, the area has been quiet since the last series of cross-border attacks from Liberia in March 2013. A December report by the UN Panel of Experts on Liberia concluded that the Ivorian authorities have been paying Liberian mercenaries and FLGO members to stop their attacks.
In May 2013 Liberian forces detained an Ivorian government delegation in Grand Gedeh which was carrying funds for the pay-off. The Ouattara government denounced the report as a fabrication but sources consulted by Africa Confidential confirmed that regular payments have been made.
Also, apparently some of the mercenaries are on trial in Monrovia:
They are defended by a prominent Krahn lawyer Tiawon Gongloe, who was Johnson-Sirleaf’s Solicitor General and is now a fierce critic of the President.
SayIt (a website that I’m not completely sure I understand) has a page where you can easily search the entirety of transcripts from the Charles Taylor trial. H/t to Matt.
From the “About” section of the site:
Warning – the transcripts contain large volumes of graphic, harrowing testimony about war crimes. We encourage readers looking for a casual browse to try the Leveson Inquiry or Shakespeare Plays instead.
FrontPageAfrican has an article on Len Lindstrom, CEO of a Canadian mineral corporation with subsidiaries in Liberia. Lindstrom got so fed up with interactions with the Liberian Ministry of Lands, Mines, and Energy that he wrote a book documenting all of the ways in which he says he was wronged. H/t to Matt.
Lindstrom: “What is the difference when the name of the game is to keep reselling the same properties and licenses over and over to the next gullible international investor who thinks he can beat the system because he has good connections to someone in government[.]“
Below is an excerpt from an AFP article on Charles Taylor. Taylor’s wife says he is upset both about daily strip searches and being treated the same as everyone else at a British maximum security prison. (h/t to Johnny Dwyer)
But the leader of [Taylor's] NPP party in Liberia this week threatened Britons living in the west African nation with reprisals over his treatment.
“If they try to make Taylor uncomfortable where he is, we can make Liberia very uncomfortable for some of their citizens through our traditional values,” NPP chairman Cyril Allen told journalists in the capital Monrovia.
“They are roaming around our interiors, they are roaming around our country, and this government cannot protect them.
“You cannot take our traditional leader and treat him like a common British criminal. If they don’t stop treating our (leader) in a manner that is unacceptable to us, we are going to fight back.”
Analysis from Alpha Sesay on the Charles Taylor appeal ruling, via the Trial of Charles Taylor blog:
Before today’s judgment, there was a lot of anxiety among observers about whether the recent decision of the Appeals Chamber of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in the case of Momčilo Perišić would have an impact on Taylor’s case. In the Perišić case, the ICTY Appeals Chamber reversed the Trial Chamber’s decision that convicted Perišić for aiding and abetting the commission of serious crimes. The Appeals Chamber in Perišić decided that for a person to be convicted for aiding and abetting, it is not sufficient that his conduct had “substantial impact” on the commission of crimes, but rather, that his conduct was “specifically directed” to the commission of said crimes.
The Trial Chamber in Taylor’s case had also dismissed a “specific direction” requirement and had said it was sufficient that Taylor’s conduct had a “substantial impact” on RUF/AFRC crimes in Sierra Leone. In today’s judgment, the Special Court’s Appeals Chamber judges said they were not persuaded by the ICTY’s finding that “specific direction” is an element of aiding and abetting.
In early 1999, President Taylor dismissed all but one of his cabinet ministers after they failed to accompany him to a church service. Explaining this action, Taylor initially stated that anyone who did not know God could not serve in his Government. Subsequently, Taylor stated that religion is a private matter, but that Cabinet ministers are required to be present at public ceremonies that the President attends. A few weeks later, Taylor rescinded this action and reinstated the ministers at the urging of diverse individuals and organizations. Many informed observers interpreted Taylor’s actions as a miscalculated attempt to find a generally acceptable pretext to reshuffle his Cabinet.
Johnny Dwyer writes about why the US has not prosecuted anyone for the murder of five American nuns in Liberia in 1992. In the 1990s and early 2000s the case was dependent on US policy toward Liberia, and was not a priority. More recently it became a priority, but still there have been no prosecutions:
In April of 2010, [FBI Special Agent Christopher] Locke met with Justice Department attorneys in Washington to learn whether the nuns’ case would be brought before an American court. The Justice Department prosecutors, however, had come across an arcane legal roadblock. The case law surrounding the statute of limitations on federal murder charges was ambiguous. The statute of limitations on federal murder charges had been five years until it was eliminated altogether in 1994. It was unclear, however, whether this change applied retroactively, opening the door to a prosecution’s case becoming invalid if a judge decided the change could not be applied to the 1992 murders. Any indictment ran the risk of extraditing a suspect they believed to be a war criminal to the United States, only to see him let go on a technicality.