I went to the Ladipo spare parts market in Mushin today. It had path after path after path of second-hand steering pumps, engines, and things I don’t know the names of.



Chairs made of spare parts!
I went to the Ladipo spare parts market in Mushin today. It had path after path after path of second-hand steering pumps, engines, and things I don’t know the names of.



Chairs made of spare parts!
Posted in Uncategorized.
– April 22, 2013
It’s one of those things that you remember as happening more frequently than it actually does. You’re alone in some foreign country, doing laptop work at a bar. You start chatting with a group of people who turn out to be extremely interesting. They invite you to join them for dinner. Hours of fascinating conversation ensues.
This happened the other night. The people were 3 pediatricians who were infectious disease specialists, 2 of whom were also medical professors. I learned so much. For example: this stuff you read in the Times about the benefits of a diverse biodome–it’s for real!
The doctors told me about a study (which is widely praised for its solid research design, though there are critics), which they summarized as follows: providing very sick children in Africa with ICU-like emergency treatment increases mortality at 48 hours post-admission. Here’s part of the abstract:
Methods
We randomly assigned children with severe febrile illness and impaired perfusion to receive boluses of 20 to 40 ml of 5% albumin solution (albumin-bolus group) or 0.9% saline solution (saline-bolus group) per kilogram of body weight or no bolus (control group) at the time of admission to a hospital in Uganda, Kenya, or Tanzania (stratum A); children with severe hypotension were randomly assigned to one of the bolus groups only (stratum B). All children received appropriate antimicrobial treatment, intravenous maintenance fluids, and supportive care, according to guidelines. Children with malnutrition or gastroenteritis were excluded. The primary end point was 48-hour mortality; secondary end points included pulmonary edema, increased intracranial pressure, and mortality or neurologic sequelae at 4 weeks.Results
The data and safety monitoring committee recommended halting recruitment after 3141 of the projected 3600 children in stratum A were enrolled. Malaria status (57% overall) and clinical severity were similar across groups. The 48-hour mortality was 10.6% (111 of 1050 children), 10.5% (110 of 1047 children), and 7.3% (76 of 1044 children) in the albumin-bolus, saline-bolus, and control groups, respectively (relative risk for saline bolus vs. control, 1.44; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.09 to 1.90; P=0.01; relative risk for albumin bolus vs. saline bolus, 1.01; 95% CI, 0.78 to 1.29; P=0.96; and relative risk for any bolus vs. control, 1.45; 95% CI, 1.13 to 1.86; P=0.003). The 4-week mortality was 12.2%, 12.0%, and 8.7% in the three groups, respectively (P=0.004 for the comparison of bolus with control). Neurologic sequelae occurred in 2.2%, 1.9%, and 2.0% of the children in the respective groups (P=0.92), and pulmonary edema or increased intracranial pressure occurred in 2.6%, 2.2%, and 1.7% (P=0.17), respectively. In stratum B, 69% of the children (9 of 13) in the albumin-bolus group and 56% (9 of 16) in the saline-bolus group died (P=0.45). The results were consistent across centers and across subgroups according to the severity of shock and status with respect to malaria, coma, sepsis, acidosis, and severe anemia.Conclusions
Fluid boluses significantly increased 48-hour mortality in critically ill children with impaired perfusion in these resource-limited settings in Africa.
Why would this be? This is one possible explanation offered: “One could speculate that the vasoconstrictor response in shock confers protection by reducing perfusion to nonvital tissues and that rapid reversal with fluid resuscitation is deleterious.” I think what this means is that the body’s natural response to shock is protective, and the treatment is bad. As far as I can tell the authors don’t explore explanations for why things might be different in resource-constrained settings, though it’s not completely clear that the authors believe there should be differences.
Posted in Uncategorized.
– April 18, 2013
The Union Popular, one of the two legitimate opposition parties in Equatorial Guinea, has just issued a press release in advance of legislative and local government elections in May. I post the press release in its entirety below. My Spanish is not perfect, but after going back and forth with a party official a few times I think the main points are that 1) The UP wants voters to boycott the elections, and 2) President Obiang is claiming that the UP signed an electoral pact with his ruling PDGE. This is not true. No pact has been signed.
Full text below. Please let me know if there are other main points I missed.
República de Guinea Ecuatorial
Partido Político Unión Popular
(U.P.)
Presidencia
DECLARACION INSTITUCIONAL
La Radio y Televisión del Estado bajo el absoluto control de PDGE, y patentizado en la página web de su gobierno, está difundiendo en los últimos días la firma de un Pacto Electoral entre el PDGE y los partidos paniaguados incluyendo en su lista al partido político Unión Popular.
Mediante la presente, el Partido político Unión Popular recuerda al pueblo de Guinea Ecuatorial y a la comunidad internacional lo siguiente:
Que, a raíz de la NO participación de Unión Popular a la Reforma Constitucional en Annobon el mes de mayo del año 2011, el mandamás de los partidos políticos Clemente Engonga Nguema Onguene expresa su cólera y venganza y saca de su delincuencia escuela democrática a Alfredo Mitogo Mitogo para estar al frente de UP con la aprobación y oferta protectora anticonstitucional del presidente Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo a todos aquellos que saben nutrirse de sus ‘sabias orientaciones’;
Alfredo Mitogo Mitogo, un delincuente político que cuando militó en A.D.P, su objetivo fue desestabilizar a su líder Mba Olo Bahamonde para apoderarse de la institución. Al final fue expulsado de A.D.P. ( esta vez la ley pudo aplicarse) , su proyecto continuó en UNION POPULAR ( U.P ) cuando Jeremías Ondo Ngomo llevaba la institución, tomando como estrategia recomendar a Ondo Ngomo expulsar de U.P a todos sus amigos y compañeros de lucha luego destituirle.
Hoy refuerza su acostumbrado método, apoyado por un miembro de gobierno que dice ser de la “oposición democrática” en ofertar por primera vez, a cambio de cargos y otros intereses económicos, las siglas de nuestro sufrido partido al Presidente fundador. ( esta vez, no se puede aplicar ninguna ley), por mucha que la ley reconozca la integridad y la legalidad de la directiva de U.P, el vice primer ministro encargado de la política interior agarra a Mitogo para desestabilizar a U.P y acabar con la ilusión y el sueño que un día tuvieron sus padres fundadores, hablamos de Juan Ntue Masakum, Andrés Ikuka Ebombe Bombe, Julián Yekue, José Martinez Bikie, Justino Mba Nsue, Andrés Moisés Mba Ada, Hermenegildo Ilolo Paca, Julián Mañe Edu, Baltasar Abaga Obiang, Jacinto Edu Alogo, Guillermo Richar Cuaresma, Tome Salas, Benito Mangue, Esteban Avehe…todos muertos junto a su mártir PEDRO MOTHU MAMIAGA, y pocos vivos como Domindo Abuy Elo Nchama, Angel Masie Ntutumu, Angel Masie Mibuy, Teofilo Ondo Nkulu.
Alfredo Mitogo y Genoveva traicionan memoria de estas ilustres personalidades vendiendo las siglas de UP exponiéndola en la sangrienta lista de apoyo al PDGE. A Mitogo y sus colaboradores, que Dios les dé larga vida, responderán el día después ante este pueblo por todo el daño que están causando a tanta familia huérfana, exiliada, sin trabajo a causa de UNION POPULAR.
Para que vuestro silencio no suponga complicidad, es momento que los militantes y simpatizantes de PDGE sepan que su presidente fundador Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo está utilizando sus votos para regalar a su antojo a los verdugos llamados “partidos políticos de la oposición democrática”. Pues, el PDGE es siempre ganador al cien por ciento pero con la formula de 97.97% de votos a favor y 2.03% de votos a repartir.
Es momento que el pueblo de Guinea Ecuatorial se conciencie que el PDGE gobierna con o sin elecciones razón por la cual Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo viene teniendo y manteniendo a toda costa la actual antidemocrática Junta Electoral Nacional bajo control y supervisión de su Partido Dictatorial de Guinea Ecuatorial y jurado NUNCA aceptar una Junta Electoral Independiente que realice unas elecciones democráticas transparentes y fiables.
Unido a todo lo susodicho, el partido político Unión Popular a raíz del pacto electoral suscrito entre el PARTIDO DEMOCRATICO DE GUINEA ECUATORIAL Y EL CIUDADANO ALFREDO MITOGO
DECLARA:
Primera: NO HABER FIRMADO ningún Pacto Electoral con el fundador y propietario del PDGE;
Segunda: LLAMA A LA TOTAL y ABSOLUTA ABSTENCION AL VOTO para que el Partido Dictatorial de Guinea Ecuatorial haga lo que mejor le convenga con los Municipios, el Parlamento y el Senado.
Tercera: Llamamos al presidente Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo a reconsiderar su política de instigación, persecución e imposición ideológica a los ciudadanos que disienten con sus lineamientos, iniciar un diálogo sincero con todas las fuerzas vivas de la nación INTERNAS Y EXTERNAS para una salida democrática a la actual crisis nacional.
Malabo, a 17 de abril de 2013
Unidad, Justicia y Prosperidad
La Ejecutiva Nacional
Posted in Uncategorized.
– April 17, 2013
Margaret Thatcher supported her son (Sir Mark) and Simon Mann’s 2004 failed coup attempt in Equatorial Guinea, according to a deleted section of Mann’s 2011 memoir obtained by The Observer.
Thatcher “allegedly told Mann at a meeting at her Belgravia home: ‘I’m sure it’s going to work’.”
More from the article:
On his release from prison, Mann said he could never forgive Sir Mark, who he claimed was a key participant in the military adventure rather than a mere investor, for failing to come to his aid. Details of the meetings between Mann and Baroness Thatcher, held in the lead-up to the attempted coup, were originally due to be published in Mann’s memoir, Cry Havoc, which came out in 2011. This section was removed on the advice of the publisher, John Blake. However, an early manuscript of the book has been obtained by the Observer and its full claims can be revealed for the first time.
[...]
Thatcher’s mental capacity was already on the wane in 2003 – the year her husband, Denis, died – when the conversations are said to have occurred.
[...]
[Mann] writes: “Maggie asks me how ‘their’ money is being handled.”
Posted in Uncategorized.
– April 17, 2013

Small pleasures during Awolowo Road traffic

A man advertises a shirt over the crowds on a half-manikin

Cow feet for sale
Posted in Uncategorized.
– April 14, 2013
Below are some observations from an unsuccessful attempt to buy Blackberries for a market trader in Lagos. It was unsuccessful because the prices of the phones would not have been competitive in Lagos markets.
One takeaway, which is nothing new, but was good to experience first-hand, is that communication challenges are very costly in terms of time and money for long-distance contractual transactions. Also, there are special costs and risks associated with buying used products (hard to find them, hard to figure out what a good price would be, risky in that there are sometimes no return policies). And finally, long-term relationships between me and the midtown sellers and me and the Lagos trader would have made this easier.
Posted in Uncategorized.
– April 10, 2013
From a fascinating critique of Lean In. h/t to Amanda:
Sandberg has penned not so much a new Feminine Mystique as an updated Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Where other feminists focus on articulating the amount of free or underpaid labor that women do, Sandberg places a priceless value on labor itself and encourages more of it, whether paid, unpaid, or poorly paid. “If you’re offered a seat on a rocket ship, you don’t ask which seat,” she says, quoting advice she received from Google executive Eric Schmidt.
“Don’t ask,” here, strikes a revealing tension in a book that tells women to be more assertive, albeit “with great care.” Put into practice, the advice not to question what position one will hold in a company can easily amount to acceptance of a devalued position with long-term career consequences. But this is a problem Sandberg may not know about, because it doesn’t happen to someone whose career has been defined by jumps from one high-level position to another. (In the Valley, poaching high-ranking executives from rival companies is a sport and brings with it the possibility of negotiating compensation upward or even, in Sandberg’s case, being allowed to “buy in” to Facebook at a level far exceeding her equity package.)
Unlike Sandberg, most women who work in tech startups do not have seats in the front of the rocket ship. Women in tech are much more likely to be hired in support functions where they are paid a bare minimum, given tiny equity grants compared to engineers and executives, and given raises on the order of fifty cents an hour rather than thousands of dollars. According to Sandberg’s advice, these situations iron themselves out when you are on a rocket ship: women are promoted and their positions naturally improve. “What difference does going ‘back’ four years [in title and compensation] really make?” Sandberg writes of one woman asked to start on the ground level. But what if women, even in a company like Facebook, are still paying a gender penalty that nothing but conscious, structural transformation can cure?
Posted in Uncategorized.
– April 5, 2013
Article here. h/t to Emily.
“Kindness” covers all of my political beliefs. No need to spell them out. I believe that if, at the end, according to our abilities, we have done something to make others a little happier, and something to make ourselves a little happier, that is about the best we can do. To make others less happy is a crime. To make ourselves unhappy is where all crime starts. We must try to contribute joy to the world. That is true no matter what our problems, our health, our circumstances. We must try. I didn’t always know this and am happy I lived long enough to find it out.
Posted in Uncategorized.
– April 5, 2013
Jacob Zenn of the Combating Terrorism Center at West Point has just published a detailed and heavily-cited article on Ansaru and Boko Haram.
Zenn looks, in part, at why Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), despite initially supporting Boko Haram, now focuses support on Ansaru.
First, Boko Haram has always said that it does not carry out kidnappings and, at least until February 2013, did not carry out kidnappings or target Western personnel or institutions—with the exception of the attack on the UN Headquarters in Abuja in August 2011. This would have made it difficult for Belmokhtar [an AQIM commander who might have been killed last month] to coordinate with Boko Haram since his operations almost exclusively targeted Western personnel and facilities.
Second, Boko Haram was based in northeastern Nigeria’s Borno State, which borders Niger but is more than 1,000 miles from northern Mali, where some of AQIM’s brigades were based. In contrast, Ansaru was based in northwestern Nigeria, which is only 300 miles from Mali. This suggests that Ansaru was in closer operational range to AQIM and Belmokhtar’s militants. Ansaru may have also avoided establishing cells in northeastern Nigeria because Boko Haram threatened to kill defectors.
Third, even when Boko Haram targeted churches and government offices, the casualties often included more Muslim civilians than Christians or government employees. This may have alienated AQIM’s leadership, which broke away from the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) in Algeria in the late 1990s because it killed many Algerian civilians during the country’s civil war. Instead, AQIM’s leadership focused on targeting the Algerian government and security forces in rural areas and international interests, including the United Nations, and kidnapping Westerners.
Finally, AQIM leader Abdelmalek Droukdel reportedly dismissed Belmokhtar as a result of him “straying from the right path,” in the words of one Malian official, and focusing on criminal activities and kidnappings. This may have facilitated Belmokhtar’s support of Khalid al-Barnawi—who also feuded with members of AQIM in Algeria over kidnappings in Nigeria—at the expense of Shekau, who had a closer historical connection to Droukdel.
Posted in Uncategorized.
– April 1, 2013
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